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The article talks about the need for libraries to analyze their collections, programs, toys, and policies by doing a diversity audit that can function as a steppingstone towards an improved collection development policy. Topics include the concept of diversity audits in libraries, automated diversity audit service offered by several vendors, and the features of the diversity audit tool completed by Cooperative Computer Services (CCS).

A comprehensive evaluation of physical activity (PA) engagement and policy implementation among Filipino children and adolescents with disabilities is vital in the promotion of an active healthy lifestyle. This is the first Para Report Card of the Philippines that presents the available evidence on the 10 commonly used PA indicators. Published and gray literature were searched for country-specific evidence on PA behaviors, physical fitness, and sources of influence. Stakeholders representing relevant national institutions, special education schools, and advocacy groups also provided input on the grades. Only Organized Sport and Government indicators had sufficient data to be graded F and B, respectively. The rest of the indicators were graded as incomplete due to the limited availability of nationally representative data. Findings of the Philippines 2022 Para Report Card on PA highlight the need to strengthen the documentation and evaluation of these indicators among Filipino children and adolescents with disabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the first time, data on children and adolescents with disabilities in Ireland are reported based on the Active Healthy Kids Global Alliance Para Report Card methodology. The most recent data from the last 10 years were used in the grading process (A+ to F), and indicators with insufficient data were graded as incomplete. Of the 10 indicators from the Global Matrix Para Report Cards, grades were assigned to Overall Physical Activity (F), Organized Sport (D), Active Transport (D−), Sedentary Behaviors (D−), Family & Peers (C), School (C−), Community & Environment (B−), and Government (B). Irish disability sport organizations were invited to assess the research-led audit and provided commentary around the final grading. The contextual discussion of the grades is presented through the lens of strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats with the purpose being to provide direction for the reduction of physical activity disparities among children with disabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Our paper advances a subcategory of influencers who mobilise their audiences towards consumption-driven change; we label them 'ethical influencers'. Using netnography and an archival dataset on ten ethical influencers, we delineate their unique challenges and positioning. Ethical influencers legitimate their accounts via a close-up of personal practices, as opposed to an articulated persona, and connect with divergent audiences to advocate for the needed change. Our paper describes the divergent audience groups and engagement styles: allies, inquisitives, detractors, and enigmatics. We also identify the ethical influencers' linking strategies to connect these audiences with other market actors (e.g. ethical businesses and other ethical influencers) which include acting, humanising, framing, pivoting, and evangelising. This research advances influencer marketing literature and offers important managerial and public policy implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a public policy standpoint, it is now generally agreed that gig workers and small businesses should have easy access to simple, low-cost ways to save for a satisfactory level of financial security in their retirement years. The harsh reality is that more than one-half of all private sector workers--approximately 55 million Americans--do not have access to retirement savings programs through their employer. However, workers are 15 times more likely to save for their retirement if they have a way to save through an employment-based plan. We look at pooled-employer plans (PEPs) as possible solutions to this need. A PEP may offer an attractive and cost-effective alternative to a single-employer retirement plan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research explores the technology workforce environment in Long Beach by examining disparities in employee representation and wages across demographic variables, namely race, ethnicity, and gender. Qualitative interviews conducted with stakeholders informed perceived challenges to nurturing equity in the Long Beach technology workforce, such as a lack of diversity in candidate pools, inadequate internal corporate education, and demographic disparities by position and salary.A quantitative analysis of racial, gender, and ethnic disparities in the representation and earnings of Long Beach’s resident technology workforce also revealed persistent trends. Representation, rather than wages, is the biggest contributor to gaps in gross earnings, women are the most underrepresented in the Long Beach resident technology workforce, and aerospace and healthcare are uniquely represented industries in the City. The combined research ultimately informed recommendations for different types of stakeholders. Corporate stakeholders can develop their own frameworks for equity, thoroughly train staff members and hiring managers on how to reach defined goals, conduct and publish metrics for public viewing to increase accountability, and focus on the hiring and retention of underrepresented groups especially in high-ranking, high-salaried roles. City and public sector agencies can use the traction gained by aerospace publicity to broaden the focus of their programs to additional technology industries and apply representation and wage data to steer funding. Ecosystem partners can focus on foundational youth education and partner early in a student’s academic career to successfully support the transition from the classroom to the workforce. Most importantly, all stakeholders can develop meaningful connections and relationships with community members to drive equity efforts.

Relevance. Crime in border regions poses the greatest danger to society and the state in the digital world. During the period of digitalization of society, the problem of criminal law risks with the use of information technology is becoming more dangerous, large-scale and intractable. As you know, the era of the dominance of digital technologies has not only positive consequences, opening up new opportunities for the development of society and the state, but also creates additional criminal threats to national security. In such circumstances, government policy is aimed at building an effective system of digital confrontation. In a digital society, the crime prevention system in the border regions of the Russian Federation, although based on the unified legal framework of state policy in the field of combating crime, cannot be the same for all regions of the country. Its construction should take into account regional economic, social, demographic, ethno-confessional, territorial, historical, cultural and national characteristics. Purpose and methods. The purpose of the scientific report is to summarize the criminal risks of digitalization for the national security of border regions and to analyze some areas of state policy in the field of combating crime in a digital society. To achieve this goal, the research uses methods of analysis and synthesis; generalization of expert opinions in various fields of science, materials of legal statistics and investigative practice; analysis of messages in mass media; dialectical and sociological methods. Conclusion. The digitalization of society is associated with an increase in the number of criminal law risks in all areas of public life. At the same time, the development of digital technologies also affects the successful organization of preventive activities within the framework of public policy. The use of achievements in the field of digital technologies makes it possible to significantly improve the criminal procedure and penal enforcement policy of

China is home to the second largest population of children and adolescents in the world. Yet demographic shifts mean that the government must manage the challenge of fewer children with the needs of an ageing population, while considering the delicate tension between economic growth and environmental sustainability. We mapped the health problems and risks of contemporary school-aged children and adolescents in China against current national health policies. We involved multidisciplinary experts, including young people, with the aim of identifying actionable strategies and specific recommendations to promote child and adolescent health and wellbeing. Notwithstanding major improvements in their health over the past few decades, contemporary Chinese children and adolescents face distinct social challenges, including high academic pressures and youth unemployment, and new health concerns including obesity, mental health issues, and sexually transmitted infections. Inequality by gender, geography, and ethnicity remains a feature of health risks and outcomes. We identified a mismatch between current health determinants, risks and outcomes, and government policies. To promote the health of children and adolescents in China, we recommend a set of strategies that target government-led initiatives across the health, education, and community sectors, which aim to build supportive and responsive families, safe communities, and engaging and respectful learning environments. For the Chinese translation of the abstract see Supplementary Materials section. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Kingdom's system of higher education disability services has recently undergone significant reform and continues to evolve. It traditionally relied heavily on direct support workers. However, since 2016, government policy has reduced funding for such support, instead encouraging the use of technology and universal inclusive practices. Given this policy direction, it is critical to examine the role and value of the direct support workers that remain and to place them within the current support system. Specialist one-to-one tutors who work with individuals with specific learning difficulties are one such professional. This qualitative study examined how these professionals describe and conceptualize their work. This article focuses on UK specific learning difficulty tutors, and looks in-depth at the ways in which they describe and think about their work Tutors described working individually with higher education students to develop strategies and increase confidence and independence, while allowing students to lead the process Writing strategies are the most common area that tutors focus on, but they help students in many different ways The article places these tutors within an actively evolving system of higher education disability support in the UK and beyond [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the difficulties of translating Chinese expressions frequently used in communicating governmental policies to the public. In particular, we focus on the expression wenming 文明, a term with manifold meanings and uses, which often ends up being translated into English simply as 'civilised'. This translational convention is problematic because wenming in Chinese tends to be used in many collocations where the English civilised sounds distinctly alien. In order to systematically investigate this translational problem, we propose a bottom-up tri-partite approach to the study of Chinese policy expressions in general and wenming in particular. This novel mixed-method approach not only allows us to go beyond essentialist generalisations about expressions frequented in Chinese political discourse, but more importantly it allows us to unearth and label practical difficulties faced by translators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This conceptual article and special issue introduction argues for the importance of studying three policy paradigms surrounding welfare policy opposition. The first is welfare populism, the opposition to welfare policies that do not benefit the 'common people'. The second is welfare chauvinism, the opposition to welfare policies for non-natives within a nation-state. The third is welfare Euroscepticism, the opposition to welfare policies at the European Union level. These paradigms have distinct causes and consequences that should be studied in more detail across different political actors. And while welfare policy opposition may not lead to a complete farewell to welfare, they have been shaping and will continue to shape welfare state recalibration. This article offers summaries of the special issue contributions with empirical snapshots of welfare policy opposition and concludes with avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing research on welfare chauvinism, which involves preferences about the inclusion or exclusion of immigrants in welfare programmes, often overlooks individual preferences regarding immigration policy openness (the number of immigrants allowed into a country). This article posits that these two dimensions should be considered together. The reason is that the implications of including or excluding migrants in welfare programmes vary significantly depending on whether a country admits few or many immigrants. Utilizing data from two waves of the European Social Survey across 23 European countries, we develop a typology of individual stances that encapsulate attitudes towards both immigration policy openness and immigrant inclusion in the welfare state. Our analysis reveals that the distribution of these stances varies considerably across European nations. We further examine how the probability of endorsing one of these typologies correlates with individual socio-economic characteristics, especially education. We find that higher education levels are linked to a higher likelihood of supporting either a combination of openness and inclusion or, to a lesser extent, openness paired with welfare exclusion. Additionally, more exclusionary attitudes are observed in countries where welfare usage by migrants is higher. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the European Union (EU) increasingly strengthens its social integration, opposition towards this process can also be observed, here defined as 'welfare Euroscepticism'. To better understand this newly defined policy paradigm, this article aims to explain longstanding cleavages in both social policy and EU research: socioeconomic status (SES) divides. Contrary to the literature on public support for European integration, this article argues that higher SES groups are more likely to be welfare Eurosceptics than lower SES groups. This argument and its underlying explanations are examined through a multilevel approach using European Social Survey data from 18 EU member states, using the example of a potential EU-wide minimum income scheme. First, the results demonstrate that welfare Euroscepticism is indeed more prevalent among higher SES groups than lower SES groups (measured through occupation, education, income, and employment). The results indicate robust self-interest patterns among higher SES groups that do not want to carry (perceived) financial burdens of EU social policies. The opinion patterns also emphasize the multidimensionality of attitudes towards EU policies since the SES cleavages can reverse, depending on the policy in focus. Overall, the results indicate much potential to mobilize the larger proportion of the public to support EU social policies, that is, lower SES groups. However, potential conflicts may arise when the EU expands on policies that their traditional supporters – higher SES groups – are more likely to oppose. The article also shows that welfare solidarity on the individual and the country level can mitigate such conflicts. This is because higher levels of welfare generosity and lower levels of welfare chauvinism on the individual and the country level are related to smaller SES cleavages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains welfare chauvinistic policy reform, that is, targeted exclusion of non-citizens from welfare? Existing research suggest that contextual factors like far-right party success, perceived immigration pressures, party ideologies and institutions could spur such reform, but the processes behind reforms remain understudied. This article draws on public policy literature to call attention the critical role of agency and institutions in welfare chauvinist reform. It focuses on a law excluding migrant EU citizens from social assistance in Germany. Through process tracing and inductive reconstruction of the policy process, based on political documents, interviews, media reporting and descriptive statistics, we show that the policy proposal originated from German city administrations; that the city of Hamburg was key in pushing for exclusions; and that Hamburg's success in doing so crucially depended on the city's mayor. Several comparable German cities (in terms of party politics and levels of immigration) were equally concerned with 'welfare immigration' and complained about problem pressure, but only Hamburg had a committed mayor with the right political networks and institutional resources to lobby for welfare exclusions at the federal level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of the radical right political discourse on welfare chauvinistic attitudes over time. Using data from two rounds of the European Social Survey (2008/09 and 2016/17), the Comparative Political Data Set and the Manifesto Project for 17 European countries, our analyses show that radical right mobilization and the salience of political rhetoric framed on cultural diversity and immigration issues have a significant positive effect on welfare chauvinist attitudes. Although in the years after the Great Recession and the refugee crisis, welfare chauvinism remained fairly stable among the general European public, the influence of radical right mobilization and negative political discourse on welfare chauvinism has significantly increased. Furthermore, we find that when radical right parties become stronger and the political rhetoric regarding cultural diversity and immigration becomes more salient, differences in welfare chauvinist attitudes between people with different political affiliations become more polarized. These results contribute to a broader understanding of the mechanisms underlying welfare chauvinistic attitudes and mark the importance of the inclusion of political factors in studies on welfare chauvinism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Welfare chauvinism, that is, the exclusion of non-citizens who live permanently within a state from social benefits and services, has become a mainstream form of welfare policy opposition advocated by some political parties and members of the public. While existing studies have successfully cast a light on the roots and scope of these policies, welfare chauvinism effectively encompasses a wide range of ideas that all have different meanings. Drawing on the stances taken by populist radical right parties, this article introduces five categories (or frames) of welfare chauvinism: temporary, selective, functional, cultural and, in its most extreme form, unconditional chauvinism. The article then illustrates how such categorization is applied empirically by focusing on the stances taken by three populist radical right parties and open-ended discussions held during mini-publics in examples of three different institutional forms of welfare state: Denmark, Germany and the United Kingdom. This article offers a more precise depiction of how this form of opposition to welfare state policies plays out in the public sphere, taking full account of how different forms and frames of welfare chauvinism yield different policy outcomes and implications in different institutional and political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates whether pensioners with a foreign ethnic background are perceived as less deserving to receive a pension than are native pensioners. It focuses on Germany as an example with a strongly achievement-oriented social insurance system which closely links benefits to previous contributions. Hence, the system prevents a citizen from receiving benefits without having contributed. Our study thus adds to existing research by examining a less likely case to find welfare chauvinistic attitudes. To test our expectations, we rely on a factorial survey design and a probability sample of the German population in 2019. Survey respondents decide on the amount of pension benefits that a hypothetical pensioner should receive. Characteristics of the hypothetical pensioner – ethnic background, gender, last income, contribution years, the number of children and other dependents – are randomly varied. Our study finds support for welfare chauvinist attitudes in an achievement-oriented social insurance system. Even for the same achievement, that is, same income, contribution years and number of children, natives grant lower pensions to pensioners with a foreign ethnic background than to natives. Also, even if migrants show the most favourable behaviour (that is, having contributed to the pension system for many years and with a high income), the ethnic penalty in pensions remains significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Platform: A Social Commentary of the Rise and Fall of Social Equity" is a 2019 Spanish Sci-Fi mystery thriller film directed by Galder Gaztelu-Urrutia. The film explores the stratification of human society and the moral dilemmas that arise in a vertical prison called "the pit." Inmates in the pit are arranged in levels, and a platform of food descends through the levels each day. However, overconsumption by higher-level inmates leads to food scarcity for those below. The film raises questions about social justice, economic systems, and the impact of selfish actions on future generations. It serves as a thought-provoking tool for examining public administration and social equity in the classroom. [Extracted from the article]

In 2020, California passed a flavored tobacco sales restriction (FTSR), but the tobacco companies filed a referendum, and the ban will not be implemented unless approved by voters in November 2022. This study examined the percentage of the California population covered by a city FTSR and identified groups more likely to be covered. Mean demographics as well as tobacco use and control measures were compared for California cities with (n = 93) and without (n = 389) a FTSR, and t tests were used to examine the differences. We calculated adjusted odds ratios using logistic regression models. City FTSR policies covered 20.7% of the California population. Adjusted predictors of having a FTSR included the American Lung Association tobacco control score (odds ratio [OR] = 1.27, 95% confidence interval [CI]: [1.17, 1.38]), voting democratic (OR = 1.06, 95% CI: [1.02, 1.10]). and having a lower adult smoking prevalence (OR = 0.84, 95% CI: [0.72, 0.99]). A state-level policy would cover all populations in California. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2023, the American Academy of Clinical Neuropsychology (AACN) faced both challenges and successes. They mourned the loss of a prominent leader in the field, Karen Postal, while also celebrating the contributions of other members. The AACN addressed controversy surrounding neuropsychology training guidelines and reaffirmed their commitment to diversity and inclusion. Despite these challenges, the AACN experienced growth in membership, financial reserves, and successful conferences. They also expanded collaborations with other organizations and increased their presence on social media. The American Board of Clinical Neuropsychology (ABCN) awarded board certification to individuals and made advancements in their examination process. The American Academy of Clinical Neuropsychology Foundation (AACNF) continued to support the AACN through fundraising and grant awards. The text also provides information on the current board members and encourages interested individuals to join the organization. [Extracted from the article]

This article shows how Australian politics played an under-researched part in the development of the Anglosphere idea. By examining the contestation of nationhood in Australia from the republic referendum of the 1990s until the mid-2000s, this article offers a new interpretation of the genesis of the Anglosphere idea. The article suggests that debates about national identity in Australia and the Anglosphere idea are co-constitutive. These co-constitutive relationships are with the United Kingdom (via the republic debate, the process of reconciliation between settlers and Indigenous peoples and civics and citizenship education), New Zealand (via 'Anzac' war commemoration) and the United States of America (via defence and security). The Anglosphere idea remains important to debates about national identity and public policy in Australia and provides context for decisions about how Australia positions itself in the world at a time of significant transnational challenges and threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how public policy, governance and institutional structures have been established and transformed in response to cyberattacks attributed to Russia that focused political attention in Lithuania. It argues that, despite the growing number of cyberattacks, political and institutional change has initially been slow and it has taken a decade to establish an adequate legal and institutional framework. The reasons for such a slow change are analysed, highlighting limited capacity (lack of understanding of cybersecurity by policy-makers and the lack of attention and other resources allocated to it), institutional fragmentation and coordination problems. It was only after Russia's aggression against Ukraine in 2014 that cybersecurity policy started to be seen through the prism of national security and parliamentary elections created a window of opportunity for change, which resulted in significant policy transformation in 2017–2018. Interestingly, since then it remained relatively stable, even after Russia's large scale war against Ukraine in 2022, which had only led to operational cybersecurity policy changes in Lithuania. The article contributes to the debates on the role of external shocks on policy change and the mediating factors which can slow down or facilitate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Czech Republic has received the largest number of Ukrainian refugees per capita. An underdeveloped migrant integration policy and limited experience with large numbers of refugees hampered the Czechs' willingness to help. The reception phase relied heavily on crisis teams, volunteers, and civil society organizations. Accommodating structural measures became necessary. This article takes a closer look at these changes and explains how the large number of Ukrainian refugees constitutes an "external shock" that has shaped Czech migrant integration policy in several key aspects. We also examine the role of international organizations in shaping migrant integration policy. We use the research framework of historical institutionalism, applying retrograde analysis, desk research and deep semi-structured interviews. Our results show that migration policy has been skewed in the short-term towards better acceptance of migrants, but we can identify a tendency towards a return to the original trajectory. We also find that international organizations have not had a substantial influence on recent changes in migrant integration policy; domestic actors have had a much greater influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing body of scholarship on the commercial determinants of health has, so far, mostly employed qualitative methods but this is now being complemented by a small, yet growing, corpus of quantitative studies. We illustrate the use of one such method, quantitative text analysis (QTA), in a case study of submissions to a public consultation on a draft scientific opinion by the European Food Safety Authority on the chemical acrylamide, demonstrating how this method can be used and insights that might be drawn from it. We use Wordscores as one example of QTA to illuminate the diverse positions taken by actors submitting comments and then assess whether the final policy documents moved towards or away from the positions taken by different stakeholders. We find a broadly uniform position among the public health community, opposed to acrylamide, contrasting with industry positions that were not monolithic. Some firms recommended major amendments to the guidance, largely reflecting the impact on their practices, while policy innovators seeking ways to reduce acrylamide in foods aligned with the public health community. We also find no clear movement in the policy guidance, likely because most submissions supported the draft document. Many governments are required to conduct public consultations, some attracting enormous numbers of responses, with little guidance on how best to synthesise the responses so the default position is often a count of those for and against. We argue that QTA, primarily a research tool, might usefully be applied in analysing public consultation responses to understand better the positions taken by different actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constituents in the United States have used local public meetings in recent years to shape policy on some of the most high-profile race-related issues. However, public meeting participation remains less studied relative to other modes of participation. This study investigates the extent to which race shapes the way a message is heard and evaluated by the public audience and the degree to which its impact depends on the issue of the message. To carry out the study, I set up a 2 × 3 experiment containing six short treatment videos in which I manipulated the race of the actor/speaker (Black or White) and the message issue (innocuous service request, race-related policy, and race-neutral policy). Subjects were randomly assigned to watch one of the six videos and then asked to evaluate the message in the video. The early results of this study show that unlike previous studies revealing racial bias in a range of political contexts in the United States, race exerts neither independent nor conditional effects on the evaluation of the message as reasonable. I discuss the limitations and implications of these findings and useful considerations to think about in expanding this study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current research on interest-group influence in the European Union tends to focus on just one stage of the policy cycle, being agenda setting, the legislative process or (some aspects) of the implementation stage. We argue that this bifurcation of the research agenda is a serious shortcoming, as lobby dynamics may vary throughout different consecutive policymaking stages. As a consequence, lobby gains or losses in the legislative stage can be overturned in the implementation. This research note therefore explores how the influence of interest organisations travels across different stages of the policy cycle, most importantly between the legislative stage and the implementation stage. First, we observe that as policymaking is a continuous rather than a static process, also lobbying tends to stretch beyond the legislative stage. Second, we argue that the specific characteristics of the implementation vis-à-vis the legislative stage may structurally favour business and resourceful organisations over smaller groups and nongovernmental organisationss. Third, we illustrate the plausibility of our argument by means of an in-depth case study: the European Union Industrial Emissions Directive. We conclude with a call for a more integral approach to researching lobby powers throughout the policy cycle and provide a preliminary agenda for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Government, companies, and residents are the most important stakeholders in the sustainable development of traditional villages. Balancing the participants' interests is a challenge for the green development of traditional villages. By constructing a tripartite evolutionary game model and introducing reward and punishment policies under the stakeholder theory, this study examined changes in traditional village conservation strategies regarding the timing of the regulation in the development process. Based on the reform data of Wan Liushu Village and government support policies, the proposed theoretical model was employed using numerical simulations, and the influence of critical parameters on stakeholders' decisions was discussed. The results show that (1) four stable points exist in the theoretical model, but only the (0,1,0) strategy point is consistent with traditional village conservation and development interests. At this point, the government adopts weak regulation, the company adopts green development, and the residents choose not to participate in the strategy. (2) Only when the government incentives exceed the companies' illegal benefits. The companies will choose the conservation and development strategy for stability. (3) The government has to ensure that penalties are more substantial and significant than the cost of regulation to avoid the (0,0,0) strategy point. At the (0,0,0) point, the government adopts weak regulation, the company adopts a no green development strategy, and the residents adopt a non-participation strategy. (4) Under the government's limited regulatory strategy, residents can only be motivated if their incentives exceed participation costs. This study can provide a reference for the green development of traditional villages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the consequences of the Cold War for the African National Congress (ANC) and its allegiances. It highlights the historical roots of the ANC's commitments, tracing back to its founding in 1912. The article also explores the ANC's realignment and its alliance with the Soviet Union, as well as the criticism of the ANC's post-apartheid policies. It argues that the ANC's commitment to using state power for social emancipation has persisted beyond the Cold War. The article concludes by suggesting that the transition to a new South Africa will be a prolonged and challenging process. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the involvement of youth with lived experience (LE) in activism and research aimed at addressing youth homelessness in Canada. Based within a youth‐participatory action research project in Tio'tiá:ke/Montréal, Canada, we reflect on how young people described their own activist organising, as well as the practical ways we may harness actions that homelessness youth are already doing to create communities and solidarity. The authors are members of Youth Action Research Revolution (YARR), a research team primarily made up of youth with LE of homelessness. We position the analysis at an intersection of our own experiences and 63 interviews with youth aged 16–29 conducted by YARR from 2018 to 2021. Conceiving of participatory, youth‐led research as a form of direct action we outline lessons learned from our own research and LE. Young people within our team and participants in YARR's research shared critiques of State systems while outlining the work that they undertook with their peers to act on issues of housing precarity, often eschewing activism aimed at State processes or institutional reform in favour of direct action. This article proposes a mode of fostering youth‐led, socially just change around homelessness—one that shifts conversations from inclusion to solidarity, and recognises the radical potential of research by‐and‐for young people. The authors conclude that research and advocacy on homelessness is always inherently political for young people with LE, and that harnessing the direct action that youth already do to survive is not only a socially just form of mobilising, but can contribute to broader activism towards housing justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and aims: On 1 May 2018, Scotland introduced a minimum unit price (MUP) of £0.50 for alcohol, with one UK unit of alcohol being 10 ml of pure ethanol. This study measured the association between MUP and changes in the volume of alcohol‐related ambulance call‐outs in the overall population and in call‐outs subsets (night‐time call‐outs and subpopulations with higher incidence of alcohol‐related harm). Design: An interrupted time−series (ITS) was used to measure variations in the daily volume of alcohol‐related call‐outs. We performed uncontrolled ITS on both the intervention and control group and a controlled ITS built on the difference between the two series. Data were from electronic patient clinical records from the Scottish Ambulance Service. Setting and cases: Alcohol‐related ambulance call‐outs (intervention group) and total ambulance call‐outs for people aged under 13 years (control group) in Scotland, from December 2017 to March 2020. Measurements Call‐outs were deemed alcohol‐related if ambulance clinicians indicated that alcohol was a 'contributing factor' in the call‐out and/or a validated Scottish Ambulance Service algorithm determined that the call‐out was alcohol‐related. Findings No statistically significant association in the volume of call‐outs was found in both the uncontrolled series [step change = 0.062, 95% confidence interval (CI) = −0.012, 0.0135 P = 0.091; slope change = −0.001, 95% CI = −0.001, 0.1 × 10−3P = 0.139] and controlled series (step change = −0.01, 95% CI = −0.317, 0.298 P = 0.951; slope change = −0.003, 95% CI = −0.008, 0.002 P = 0.257). Similarly, no significant changes were found for the night‐time series or for any population subgroups. Conclusions: There appears to be no statistically significant association between the introduction of minimum unit pricing for alcohol in Scotland and the volume of alcohol‐related ambulance call‐outs. This was observed overall, across subpopulations and at night‐time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and Aims: Nicotine vaping products (NVPs) can potentially help adult tobacco users quit smoking. This study evaluated how adult consumers compare the costs between NVPs and cigarettes. Method: We used data from the US arm of the 2016–2020 International Tobacco Control Four Country Smoking and Vaping (ITC 4CV) surveys to perform a multinomial logit model with two‐way fixed effects to measure how perceived cost comparisons are associated with NVP and cigarette taxes, use patterns, NVP device types and individual sociodemographic factors. Results: Higher cigarette taxes are associated with a greater likelihood of perceiving NVPs and cigarettes as costing the same for the overall population and among people who exclusively smoke, and a lower likelihood of perceiving NVPs as more expensive among people who exclusively vape, compared with lower cigarette taxes. Pre‐filled cartridge and tank users are more likely to perceive NVPs as less expensive than cigarettes, compared with people who use other types of NVPs. The associations between taxes and perceived cost comparison were more pronounced among males, younger and low‐income populations. Conclusions: Higher cigarette taxes are associated with perceived financial incentives for nicotine vaping products (NVPs) over cigarettes, whereas NVP taxes are not associated with perceived cost comparison between NVPs and cigarettes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background and Aims: Even though a ban of alcohol marketing has been declared a 'best buy' of alcohol control policy, comprehensive systematic reviews on its effectiveness to reduce consumption are lacking. The aim of this paper was to systematically review the evidence for effects of total and partial bans of alcohol marketing on alcohol consumption. Methods: This descriptive systematic review sought to include all empirical studies that explored how changes in the regulation of alcohol marketing impact on alcohol consumption. The search was conducted between October and December 2022 considering various scientific databases (Web of Science, PsycINFO, MEDLINE, Embase) as well as Google and Google Scholar. The titles and abstracts of a total of 2572 records were screened. Of the 26 studies included in the full text screening, 11 studies were finally included in this review. Changes in consumption in relation to marketing bans were determined based on significance testing in primary studies. Four risk of bias domains (confounding, selection bias, information bias and reporting bias) were assessed. Results: Seven studies examined changes in marketing restrictions in one location (New Zealand, Thailand, Canadian provinces, Spain, Norway). In the remaining studies, between 17 and 45 locations were studied (mostly high‐income countries from Europe and North America). Of the 11 studies identified, six studies reported null findings. Studies reporting lower alcohol consumption following marketing restrictions were of moderate, serious and critical risk of bias. Two studies with low and moderate risk of bias found increasing alcohol consumption post marketing bans. Overall, there was insufficient evidence to conclude that alcohol marketing bans reduce alcohol consumption. Conclusions: The available empirical evidence does not support the claim of alcohol marketing bans constituting a best buy for reducing alcohol consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shift workers support critical 24-hr operations; their health can be impaired by disrupted circadian rhythms and dysfunctional sleep. Shift work sleep disorder (SWSD) is a prevalent condition with significant psychological consequences. Nurse leaders have not yet implemented effective policies to prevent SWSD and optimize shift workers' mental health. The purpose of this integrative review was to examine research about SWSD within the context of neurobiological, sociological, and psychological perspectives that can inform policy changes. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention Policy Analytic Framework was used to determine the priority recommendations. A search of three databases provided 19 research articles about SWSD and mental health, which illustrated how SWSD is common around the world in many occupations. Backward-rotating schedules and quick returns were risk factors for SWSD. In addition, SWSD was associated with circadian languidity, sleep reactivity, depressive symptoms, and anxiety. Collectively, the studies lacked objective measures of sleep and circadian rhythms, which has hindered the ability to devise interventions that will target the neurobiological causes of SWSD. The research also lacked attention to important sociological factors, such as workers' pay and benefits. Using these findings, nurse leaders can contribute to public policy reforms that increase funding for more rigorous SWSD research. Lawmakers should be advised by nurse leaders to enforce new regulations that provide incentives for employers to create healthier workplaces, such as prohibiting the overuse of schedules that make employees vulnerable to SWSD and providing funds for interventions to prevent SWSD and support mental health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]